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In the period between the two
world wars, labour was forced on the defensive by the economic
difficulties of the industry and the aggressively anti-union
tactics of the coal companies. While the workers suffered
significant defeats in terms of wages and union organization,
they survived as a militant force with radical tendencies. The
period unfolded in several stages. Between 1921 and 1925, the
operators attacked and virtually smashed the UMWA, the union
they had propped up only a few years before. In the resulting
vacuum, the miners formed an indigenous union, the Mine Workers
Union of Canada, which upheld their tradition of militancy
through difficult economic times. In 1936, the UMWA re-emerged.
With the help of favourable wartime conditions, it managed to
recoup some of the earlier wage losses, before the decline of
the industry weakened its influence in the 1950s.
The owners' offensive began in
the 1920s when the industry's economic future seemed clouded.
After the end of the Great War, the demand for coal by the
railways dropped significantly, and the domestic fuel market was
shaken by the appearance of natural gas as an alternative.
Facing an uncertain future, the operators sought to cut costs by
reducing wages, and, at the same time, to weaken, and possibly
destroy, the UMWA by abolishing the "closed shop" and the
check-off of union dues. During strikes in 1922 and 1924, these
ambitions were stymied by the federal government. Still intent
on minimizing conflict, Ottawa negotiated settlements resulting
in wage reductions, but no change in status for the UMWA. The
companies in the Crowsnest Pass were not satisfied. Sensing the
potential for a greater victory, they locked out their employees
during the winter of 1924-25. Faced with economic destitution,
the workers in the Pass abandoned the UMWA, accepted further
wage cuts, and formed "company unions"-organizations willing to
accept management's terms-in exchange for a return to work. The
movement spread across the coalfields in Alberta until the UMWA
remained in place only in the Drumheller Valley, where its
support was fractured between moderates and radicals.1
Why had the UMWA
collapsed so precipitously? Firstly, and perhaps most
importantly, the economic situation for the miners was
desperate. However, the limits of the cohesion of the miners'
movement had apparently also been reached. The situation in the
West contrasts with that in Nova Scotia at the same time, where
the miners were also under attack, in this case by the combined
force of the British Empire Steel and Coal Company and the
state--which had massed troops on mining property to intimidate
strikers. In Nova Scotia, the miners stood unified, able to draw
on a homogeneous culture of workers' consciousness in towns
which had nurtured several generations of miners and their
families.2 In
spite of the emergence of an embryonic miners' culture in the
West, the mining community was still divided by ethnic
differences, and weakened by continuing geographic mobility, as
workers roamed from town to town. In the crisis, worker unity
had not been able to survive, as miners scrambled to save their
financial positions. Finally, the collapse of the UMWA also
reflected the lack of confidence in it felt by miners of all
backgrounds after its behaviour during and immediately after
World War One.
In spite of
the defeat of 1925, the union movement did not die in the
coalfields. In place of the UMWA, a union arose which was more
clearly identified with regional interests and aspirations. The
Mine Workers' Union of Canada (MWUC) was a militant organization
influenced by the Communist Party (CP), which had emerged as the
focal point for radical thought after the collapse of the One
Big Union. The new union, however, took an independent line,
avoiding the rhetoric of the CP, and winning support from
moderates and radicals alike by focusing on the practical
concerns of miners, such as wages. The MWUC negotiated a series
of contracts over a period of 11 years, and gained widespread
support across the region's coalfields, particularly in the
Crowsnest Pass, the Coal Branch, Lethbridge, and the Banff area.3
In the early 1930s, the MWUC was
weakened by developments on both its right and left wings. The
coalfields were experiencing an unprecedented economic crisis.
Facing privation, miners began to split along ethnic and
religious lines. A right-wing group of workers, mainly of
British descent, began to argue that people of "Anglo-Saxon"
background should have precedence in the allocation of jobs.
Meanwhile, the policy of the Communist Party shifted in a way
tending to divide the labour movement. In the 1920s, the party
had concentrated on enlarging left-wing support by working
within existing unions and organizations. After 1930, the
international leadership of the party called on members to
follow the Stalinist line of building Communism, even at the
expense of disrupting the rest of the left. In coalfield
politics, Communists now contested elections against left-wing
candidates, for instancefrom the Alberta Labour Partywhich
they formerly had supported. In union affairs, the Communist
Party formed its own organization, the Workers' Unity League (WUL),
which set out to take over the Mine Workers' Union.
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See Also:
The Coal
IndustryOverview, Rapid Expansion,
Domestic and Steam Coalfields,
1914-1947: The Struggling Industry,
Collapse and Rebirth,
Settlement of the West,
Issues and ChallengesOverview,
Entrepreneurship, Technology,
Underground Techniques,
Surface Technology,
Surface Mining,
Social Impacts,
Unions,
1882-1913: Unionization and Early Gains,
1914-1920: Revolutionary Movement, 1921-1950s: Labour Unrest and
Setbacks, Mining Companies, People of
the Coal Mines,
The Middle Class,
Miners and Local
Government,
Politics and Economics ,Environmental
Impacts,
Health and SafetyOverview,
The State and
Labour Relations,
The State and
Development after 1918.
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