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Storytelling becomes a primary means of articulating
and giving content to an environmental ethic. George
Copway, an Ojibwa writer declares:
The Ojibways have a great fund of legends,
stories, and historical tales, the relating and hearing
of which, form a vast fund of winter evening instruction
and amusement. Some of these stories are most exciting
and so intensely interesting, that I have seen children
during their relating, whose tears would flow most
plentifully, and their breasts heave with thoughts too
big for utterance. Night after night for weeks have I
sat and eagerly listened to these stories. The days
following, the characters would haunt me at every step,
and every moving leaf would seem to be the voice of a
spirit. (Callicott, 127)
Yet here too we find an environmental ethic, that is, a
moral vision of correct behaviour based on the ecology:
Other stories also set out an explicit
environmental ethic. In the Ojibwa stories, the flora
and fauna are not simply impersonal natural resources to
be exploited. Rather, animals and plants are portrayed
as nonhuman persons living in their own families and
societies. The representation of the relations between
human persons and animal and plant persons is modeled on
intertribal exchange. Just as one tribe may commerce
with another trading, say, obsidian arrowheads for
copper ornaments, so animals are portrayed as
enthusiastic trading partners with human beings. The
animals willingly exchange their flesh and fur for the
artifacts and cultivars that only human beings can
produce. (Callicott, 127-8)
So one aspect of environmental law is the primary place
given to animal-human exchange. The principle spells out a
complicated ritual manner of killing and eating the animal,
with the underlying assumption that a larger system of
reciprocity and balance mediates the whole. We could call
this an ethical exchange system between the two species. The
larger system that encompasses this reality is Nature's
Laws.
The hunter's virtue lies in respecting the souls
of the animals necessarily killed, in treating their
remains in prescribed manner, and in particular making
as much use of the carcass as is possible. . . . The
animals slain under the proper conditions and treated
with the consideration due them return to life again and
again. They furthermore indicate their whereabouts to
the "good" hunter in dreams, resigning themselves to his
weapons in a free spirit of self-sacrifice. (Frank Speck
in Callicott, 127)
Another aspect of the exchange is reflected in
animal-human marriage; using marriage as the model for
closeness and importance, humans take animal spouses, change
identities and go to live in the environment of the animal
spouse. The result of this unique inter-marriage is a new
and more intimate knowledge of the animal world and its
willingness to participate in the exchange medium. The moral
of a story called "The Woman Who Married a Beaver" is this:
Thereupon she plainly told the story of what
happened to her while she lived with the beavers. She
never ate a beaver. . . . And she was wont to say:
"Never speak you ill of a beaver! Should you speak ill
of a beaver, you will not be able to kill one."Therefore
such was what the people always did; they never spoke
ill of the beaver, especially when they intended hunting
them. . . . just the same as the feelings of one who is
disliked, so is the feeling of the beaver. And he who
never speaks ill of a beaver is very much loved by it;
in the same way as people often love one another, so is
one held in the mind of the beaver; particularly lucky
then is one at killing beavers.' (Callicott, 127)
A further motif is the child who was raised by the
animals. These relationships set his destiny and made him a
splendid hunter:
Somewhat more subtle are the Bear Boy myths of
northeastern North America, in which the human child is
nursed by a female bear and acquires bear language by
playing with her cubs. In an Iroquois version the boy
converses with the bear mother and learns that hunters
can detect the presence of a den by watching for vapor
traces. In addition, the bear points out mistakes being
made by careless hunters who pass by in the forest. One
of the hunters is inattentive; another has made the
error of eating too much hot food, so that he himself
spreads telltale vapor. But when a good hunter comes
along, the mother is suddenly submissive, saying,
"There's no help for it. We've got to go."
According to some but not all-variants, the boy,
when at last he has been returned to human society,
becomes a successful bear hunter, drawing upon the
knowledge he has gained from his bear mentor.
In other instances, apparently, the knowledge is
absorbed through mere contact. According to a Delaware
version, the Bear Boy simply lived with the bears
without receiving any explicit instructions. Yet, in
some way, when the experience was over, "he now had the
power to kill any game." (Bierhorst, 75)
Another key ingredient is the moral and spiritual value
of respect. This value, fundamental in Nature's Laws, is
here worked out in the context of food procurement:
…the pursuit of game and fish by the Cree and
Ojibwa people who reside there is governed by a time-honoured
law which insists that wildlife must be treated with the
utmost respect. Along with spelling out the ritual
activities that should be performed before, during, and
after pursuing game and fish in order to ensure ongoing
success, this law, which has been handed down through
countless generations via oral tradition and which still
functions today, contains at least three subsidiary
prohibitions.
The first prohibits Cree and Ojibwa foragers from
killing immature animals; the second prohibits them from
killing mature females while they are rearing their
young; and the third prohibits them from overkilling
mature animals of either sex throughout the year, with
overkilling understood to be killing beyond immediate
needs. Save for taking animals for ceremonial purposes
or to avoid starvation, these prohibitions have been in
effect since what the Cree and Ojibwa say was the
beginning of time. (Driben, Auger et. al 98)
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