Home Social Landscape Featured Articles 'Their Own Schools of Democracy':  The Visible Remains of Political Practice in Rural Alberta

'Their Own Schools of Democracy':  The Visible Remains of Political Practice in Rural Alberta

by Roger Epp

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Against this background, the anti-political face of contemporary rural Alberta is a puzzling one. Some of its roots, paradoxically, can be found in the contradictory cluster of agrarian populist doctrines imported from the American plains, which contained two opposing impulses: on the one hand, towards local autonomy and direct democracy; on the other, towards non-partisanship and technocratic, business-like government by experts. These contradictions frame much of the tension between the UFA locals and the cabinet during the period of UFA government between 1921 and 1935. At issue was not simply who set party policy, but equally whether the ultimate aims of the farmers' movement were to be carried out at the local or provincial level. The 1935 election, in turn, was an important crucible in Alberta political history. The depression-era mystique built up around the unfathomable economic theories of Major Douglas, the campaign that brought Social Credit to office, and the leadership of William Aberhart all pushed populism’s centralist, technocratic impulses to the fore at the expense of democratic ones. In the months prior to the election, Aberhart routinely addressed voters as consumers--promising to restore their purchasing power. He exhorted crowds to "put aside politics." As the election neared he forbade Social Credit candidates or study groups from debating with opponents. Social Credit supporters, meanwhile, brought numerous UFA rallies in country schoolhouses to a premature end by honking automobile horns or pounding on the walls.¹² The 1935 campaign left a deep split in rural communities. While the CCF absorbed some UFA members, many others simply withdrew from active politics.

Neither Aberhart's hold over Social Credit nor the homogeneity of the movement in the government's first term should be exaggerated. Backbench MLAs revolted; party supporters--urban and rural--collaborated formally and informally even with Communists. But the premier did leave a distinct imprint on Alberta political culture. He did not make a speech in the legislature until 1939. His preferred medium of political communication--not debate--was radio. Moreover, he understood the role of "the people" as being simply one of demanding "results," and deferring to government experts who would implement the right policy. It was left to the leader to interpret and invoke the general will of the people as the occasion required. Centralization of power in the hands of the provincial government was entirely consistent with this view. Laycock concludes: "The vacuity of public life contemplated for the average citizen in this vision indicates that Social Credit ideology also exceeded other prairie populisms in projecting frustrations with current politics into an antipathy towards 'politics.'"¹³ W. L. Morton's judgment is a similar one: "Social Credit was the end of politics in Alberta and the beginning of popular administration."¹⁴

Significantly, one of the most controversial, now forgotten, pieces of legislation passed in the first year of Aberhart’s government struck at the heart of local democratic authority. It consolidated 3750 local school districts into a mere 50 administrative units. The legislation was passed despite the formal protest of 10,000 trustees--in itself a striking measure of participation in public office--and of the many more ratepayers who crowded schoolhouses to pass resolutions and sign petitions.¹⁵ While the government's pretext was economic efficiency during fiscal hard times, the move also had a clear political subtext. It was consistent with a skillful manipulation of populist elements in support of a more centralized, leader-dominated, managerial government that promised prosperity along with freedom from politicians. It was followed within four years by a similar consolidation of municipal government. Another round followed in the 1950s as improved road transportation helped diminish distances. What is now the County of Camrose, for example, absorbed all of four municipal districts (Evergreen, Lloyd George, Melrose, and Parkland) as well as parts of three others. The result in each case was to push further from reach local self-direction and settings in which political skills could be exercised.

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