Over the years, a number of
labour organizations in Alberta have come and gone. At their height, many advocated radical ideas and tactics to
achieve justice in the workplace. When
their goals became unpopular or their methods failed, most of these unions
suffered defeat from which they could not recover.
A few labour organizations, though, have endured. The Alberta Federation of Labour (AFL), formed in 1912,
stands out in this regard. The
AFL is a labour central, made up
of many unions who have voluntarily affiliated to deal with common
concerns. Its ideas for economic reform have wavered from radical
left-wing to reactionary. So
too have the parties the AFL has supported over the years changed. Yet the federation has overcome
ideological differences and political setbacks to promote workers’
interests before government.
Early Labour Unions
The AFL was not the first
organization in Alberta established to bring together a wide range
of trades and industries. The
Knights of Labour, an international body representing mostly
unskilled workers, set up a chapter in Calgary in 1886. The Knights advocated education and the formation of
cooperatives to achieve labour reform. The American Federation of Labour pushed aside the Knights in
Canada in 1902 but would not represent unskilled workers. It affiliated with the United Mine Workers and several craft
unions in North America.
Another all-inclusive union came to Alberta around 1912: the
Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). The Wobblies, as the organization was popularly known,
attempted to foment a socialist revolution by holding a series of
general strikes in different cities across western Canada. For a time, these protests united workers and brought
production to a halt. However,
most demonstrations ended in arrests and labourers going back to
work on their employers’ terms. In more prolonged strikes, strikebreakers protected by RCMP
constables were brought in, enabling production in mines, on
railroads and elsewhere to resume. When the strikes ended, many former employees were
blacklisted, prohibiting them from working for the same company.
The AFL's Strategy
The AFL represented skilled
and unskilled labourers, as did the IWW. However, its members were affiliated unions, not individual
workers. Furthermore,
the AFL focused on achieving political action that would improve
working conditions rather than confronting employers. It lobbied the Alberta government and made resolutions on
behalf of unemployed workers before and after World War I and during
the Great Depression. It also published Alberta Labour News , one of several
labour newspapers at the time.
The AFL twice threatened to
call general strikes in 1919. In
January, it demanded the release of a Diamond City miner jailed for
the possession of banned literature. Later that year, the AFL gave its executive authority to call
a general strike should any government attempt to suppress the new
Soviet regime. While
such a protest never occurred, many demonstrations in support of
communism were held in Alberta and North America.
The AFL demanded these terms
and promoted industrial unionism even against the interests of other
labour groups. The
Canadian Trades and Labour Congress (TLC), composed mainly of
eastern representatives, had sided with the federal Conservative
government during the Great War. They saw little use for industrial unions in the
manufacturing centres, where workers were better organized than in
the west. Frank Wheatley, who became the AFL’s president in 1922,
helped organize a Western Labour Conference in Calgary to address
these issues in 1919. The
delegation also discussed the formation of a secessionist movement
to the TLC. The One Big Union (OBU) they formed was a radical industrial
union, advocating socialist principals and protest strategies
similar to the IWW’s.
The OBU arose during the
height of labour protest in western Canada. The Winnipeg General Strike, involving about 35 000 workers
from many occupations, began on May 15, 1919 and spread to other
cities including Calgary and Edmonton. The federal government, fearing a communist uprising,
deported a number of naturalized citizens involved in the strikes. The RCMP also arrested strike leaders and other protestors,
mostly in Winnipeg. These actions weakened the OBU and reinforced the
effectiveness of political over direct action.
Support for Political
Parties
A number of left-wing
parties arose, partly in response to the failure of strikes. During the tumultuous years during and after World War I, the
AFL supported the radical Socialist Party of Canada. In 1919, the Communist Party of Canada and the rival Dominion
Labour Party (DLP) were established. More radical AFL leaders supported the former party, while
trade unions generally backed the DLP. The AFL reorganized the DLP as the Canadian Labour Party (CLP)
in 1922. CLP members had some success in municipal politics, but they
were unable to unite all workers. Farmers in the province had their own association and
political party: the United Farmers of Alberta (UFA). The federation later aligned with the UFA party, after the
CLP collapsed. From 1932, the AFL followed the UFA in supporting the new
Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF). The CCF had little success in Alberta provincial politics,
although many of its members were elected to the Edmonton City
Council.
In later years, the AFL
became less radical, distancing itself further from the floundering
communist movement. The
Great Depression brought increasing social activism, but the UFA and
early Social Credit governments were more amenable to left-wing
views. The Socreds
passed the first minimum wage and overtime laws in Canada in 1937. Still, AFL president Fred White warned that the federation
should not depend on the Socreds too much.
White’s fears were
well-grounded: the Social Credit government took a sharp right turn
under Ernest Manning , but so did the AFL. By the late forties, the federation had aligned with the
government, even though Manning was opposed to unions. As AFL president Harry Boyse said in 1950, "Labour and
government must work together." The federation even endorsed a Social Credit Bill preventing
illegal strikes.
The Canadian Congress of
Labour (CCL), formed in 1939, continued to represent more left-wing
attitudes but had little success organizing industrial unions in
Alberta. In response, the CCL formed the Industrial Federation of
Labour of Alberta (IFL) in 1949. The AFL and IFL became bitter rivals until several young
"turks" replaced the right-wing AFL leaders in the mid-fifties. Both federations signed a no-raiding pact in 1955, and they
merged in 1956. The CCL
and conservative TLC also merged that year as the Canadian Labour
Congress. Both new
organizations were divided between leaders who sided with company
and craft unions and those following the principals of traditional
industrial unions.
The expanded AFL became more
activist amidst the predominantly right-wing political climate of
the late 1950’s. The
labour movement received a boost when the CCF reorganized as the New
Democratic Party (NDP) in 1960. The AFL has supported the NDP and attempted to introduce
labour resolutions through the opposition party. However, some affiliated unions have become dissatisfied with
the NDP’s policies and its effectiveness toward achieving
political change. Currently,
the AFL is evaluating its alliance with the NDP and the possibility
of initiating a new political movement.
Since its foundation in
1912, the Alberta Federation of Labour has represented a wide
cross-section of unions and non-unionized workers in Alberta. It has pursued goals as
specific as reducing specific cutbacks in occupational health and
safety spending and as broad
as the end of the wage system. The federation continues to lobby
government and publish Labour News , awakening politicians and
its affiliates to working conditions and labour laws in the
province. While the AFL
has undergone significant changes, it has remained a strong voice in
politics for Alberta’s workers.
Learn more about the Alberta
Federation of Labour !