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Végreville was a missionary who espoused the
beliefs of his day; one should not expect theories of the
Roger Vandersteen caliber16. His perspective of ethnography
was very much like that of Émile Petitot’s, and his writings
could be used in much the same way as Donat Savoie did with
the latter’s texts17.
4. Intentions and objectives of the author in producing
such a work
The author’s main goal was to permit those who were
studying the language of the Cree to learn more about this
people, and for those who were just interested in the
culture of the Cree, the monograph would permit them, as
Végreville wrote in his first preface, to "at least come to
know their origins, their history, their traditions and
their mores, as well as their relations with other nations.
This study shall make up the body of a fourth volume, which
can be sold separately18"
5. Public for whom this work was intended; reasons for
non publication
Although ostentatiously the series was meant for those
who were learning the language, Végreville was also
directing this work to serious scholars of language. To wit,
in the dictionaries and the grammar:
the academics and the philologers would easily find
quantities of grammatical forms that they could compare to
languages they have already studied. The declinations have
striking resemblances to several Old-World languages. The
French form of the active verb which agree with its object
in the composed tenses, which communicates its tense and
quantity to the verbal participate, seems like some memory
in those Ne’iyaw verbs, which in all their tenses also agree
with their object, by their termination, other than the
accord which is done by the affixes.19
As he had worked all of his life with native languages,
he wished to share his knowledge. He was so deeply immersed
in the study of languages, he was aiming for an academic
market. Why else would he have done through the trouble to
present his work to the Smithsonian Institution, well-known
for its encouragement of intellectual pursuits. And if he
turned towards the Americans, it is probably because he had
not received any feedback of consequence from the European
sources which had so aided Émile Petitot, and which
Végreville too tried to access in 1879.
In this sense, it can be understood that the later
multiple "retoolings" of the typescript were Végreville’s
way of trying to make his subjects more appealing to a
potential market and a publisher, something which all
writers have to do. When he was turned down by the
Smithsonian because of the manuscript was prepared in
French, there seems to have been no impetus to translate it
into English, or if there was it does not seem to be
mentioned in his papers. The monograph cannot just be judged
according to the Smithsonian’s refusal. There already was
one Cree-French dictionary and, although it might have its
faults, publishing another was not much of a priority. Other
native language dictionaries and grammars for languages
which had none were also in the works at the time, but for
the missionary Oblates, it was religious publications which
were really needed in order to accomplish what they were
mandated to do in the Canadian North-West..
That no one else picked up the gauntlet before Paul-Émile
Breton is not that surprising either. And since 1964, that
no scholar has chosen to examine this prolific body of work
just speaks of the scarcity of proficient academics who wish
to embark on a subject in French and native languages in
such an English milieu as we have here. When I attended the
University of Alberta some fifteen years ago, there were no
linguistic anthropologists who read French in the
department; there was more proficiency in the history
department, yet no one was able to direct students who
wished to work in that language or pursue a subject of a
French nature which pretty much ruled out the Oblate Fonds
at the PAA. And as well, it must also be considered that
this private collection only became available to the public
in 1972. Finally, given the prevalent anti-modernist
approach of Végreville’s text, it is not really surprising
that it has not received any attention. His many
non-scientific theories (and I am not referring to the
"lost-tribe of Israel" idea) would cause most academics who
might have just given it a cursory look in the first place,
to dismiss it out of hand. But I believe that this text is
more than a sum of notions, and that it does have potential.
Let us look at what is in it.
6. General organisation of the work
a) Preliminary manuscript format.
According to the table of contents which Végreville
prepared for his manuscript, not everything which he had
intended to include in this monograph was put into the
typescript as prepared by Breton sixty years later. Many of
the items noted on page 4 are not included, for instance a
section of the Dakota-Jesca (Dakota-Sioux). It can also be
presumed that what concerns the Assiniboine could also be
included as well.
b) Preface
There are really two prefaces or introductions to this
work. The first one is intended for the master work, that is
the four volumes (2 dictionaries - French-Cree, Cree-French
- , grammar and monograph.) The first preface presents the
larger work in four or five pages, the following ten pages
provide a geographical description of North America, much of
which is absolutely useless and passé. Do we really need to
know, after Végreville elaborates on the political state of
Guatemala and Mexico, that the "great republic of the United
States of America, so proud of itself that it now calls
itself simply America, like her residents who have, for a
long-time now, called themselves Americans"20. Proper
editing is needed for this text, this section should perhaps
be cut so as to summarize the essential and so to enter into
the gist of the matter, in this case it is the description
of the Prairies.
c) chapters or main subject headings, inconsistencies
The manuscript was never divided into chapters. There are
topic headings, they are probably not in their most logical
order. This would have to be seen to, once the text was
properly assembled. Titles would have to be chosen, portions
of the manuscript might have to be moved, and some portions
of the text might be better left out of a final version.
Although Fr. Breton surely did his best to put the
manuscript in order, Fr. Végreville had been in the grave
some sixty years previous, so he was on his own when or if
there were inconsistencies with the manuscript or with the
directions. As previously mentioned, the typescript was a
project in the works. An example can be give from one
section that Breton has grouped with the endnotes. In this
case the text describes types of dances proper to the
Cree21. The enumeration begins on pages 148 to 150 where
title number one describes the "dance where one strikes the
pole"; and one expects to read about more dances on the
following page, as we are led to think that there will be a
series on dances. Instead we are given a description of the
hand game. True, there is mention of a bit of dancing in
this part of the text, but not in the title or in the
presentation, which is "Games of the Cree". Two more dances
are mentioned in the following pages, the thirst dance and
the trading dance. Better editing would place the hand game
passage after the other dances. Following the section on
dances, Breton also prepared several pages on which clear
indications are included as to the placement within the
manuscript. In this way, "Talisman" is to be placed
following page 54, in the section about medecine men, the
"Épisodes de la guerre de 1885" following page 85 and on
page 158, a section concerning "character defects among the
Cree" should follow page 98.
It must be noted as well that the outline on page 4, was
not completely adhered to by Breton, who did not include the
abridged version of a monograph on the Dakota-Jesca.
IV Methodology used by author
1. Arguments
Probably the most important argument brought out in this
manuscript is the migration theory specific to the Cree,
whom Végreville sees as descendants of the lost tribe of
Israel. As the work includes cultural aspects pertaining to
the Dakota-Sioux, through comparative analysis of the two
languages, he also suggests that the Dakota-Sioux preceded
the Cree to North America on the long migratory trek across
Northern Europe and across the Northern Atlantic, via
Iceland, Greenland into Canada. He concurs with Petitot that
the Dene, with whom he counts the Athapaskan speaking
Sarcee, belong to another migratory current, via the Bering
Strait, of Asiatic origin. Végreville’s lengthy note on the
subject mentions the memory of an European ancestry, or at
least from the Wisaketsak tale of the great flood, he sees
memories of an Atlantic crossing and the Deluge, as in the
biblical tale of Noah22.
This perspective of an Hébraic origin to all languages
stem, of course, from the Bible. Until the 14th century, the
church maintained that all languages originated from the
Hebrew, and it was only with the publication of Dante’s
first classification of the European languages, that the
long held view of the church began to lose ground in Europe.
The Arabs, who were much more advanced in the study of
language and its origins, were doing comparative linguistics
in the 10th century. Nevertheless, the Church’s perspective
of a common Hebrew origin was still strong in the 18th
century when the philosophers of the enlightenment openly
criticized it as too simplistic. However towards the end of
the 19th century, a very strong anti-modernist movement
which was officially encouraged by the Vatican, made that
the old status quo and the retrograde view was still
acceptable in theological circles, which is why missionaries
like Végreville still were speaking of biblical myths such
as the Deluge and the tower of Babel as fact. This is not
really odd for his time, after all, this is the sort of
material which was taught in by the church right up until
John XXIII called the Ecumenical Council of Vatican II
(1962-1965) and which finally brought much needed reform to
the Catholic church and a more scientific approach in
thinking.
The comparative approach method to language analysis was
developed during the early 19th century, and Végreville does
seem to use this in approach in his study of the native
languages, but his charts would have to be examined by a
linguist trained in native languages. However, it is likely
that the size of his sampling was not substantial enough.
Again, although Végrevilile intended for these to be
published they were not been included in the manuscript, but
the material is available in the collection.
Végreville perceived a common origin to one eighth of the
Dakota-Jesga language to Cree. He notes that in spite of
great differences between the two, Cree is an inflected
language (can change tenses by adding an ending or a
beginning, sometimes in the middle (ex.: start, started),
but the Dakota-Jesga, also an Algonquian language, as being
what he calls "Touranian" (Uralo-altaic) a general term
designating languages spoken in Central Asia (Aramaic,
Hebrew, Arabic)23. This last linguistic theory has been
abandoned since Végreville’s time.
The monograph however is principally devoted to the
description of cultural aspects of the Cree, particularly as
Végreville had observed them since his arrival.Many of the
aspects of the lifestyle had changed or disappeared
altogether, but his description is mainly of the "way it
was". Most of this text is written in an historical present
of yesteryear, such as when he describes warfare or buffalo
hunts. Mention is made of treaties and of reserves, and he
also makes much of the positive influence of Christianity
among the Cree.
2. Distinctive characteristics of the work
The following passages have been chosen and translated so
as to present a better idea of what this manuscript is all
about. I have chosen all types of texts, some of them are
tenuous at best as concerns scientific thinking. These are
draft versions and are subject to revision should this
project be extended. Parentheses with question marks (???)
indicate problem passages which eventually will need to be
verified due to a typographic error or a reproduction
problem, and which at this time do not really affect the
meaning of the text.
a) geographical specifics of the Cree, subjects of
study(Neiyaw), territory
In his text, Végreville looks at the Prairie Cree, the
Ne’iyaw, and the Woodland Cree, the Iyiwiw. He gives a
passing nod to the Cree to the West of Hudson Bay
(Muskegon), however his real focus is on the populations
where he spent most of his life in the North Saskatchewan
river area. He indicates that the Cree live between the 50th
and 60e parallel from Hudson Bay to the Rocky Mountains24.
In a lengthy end note however he points out that
historically the Cree - the Algique nation, as he calls them
(an old term for Algonquin) have occupied the territory from
the Atlantic Ocean, including Labrador, the Maritimes and
New England25.
a-1) p. 19-20. Subject: geographic specifics of the Cree
Le Cris se donne lui-mëme le nom de Ne’iyaw dans les
grandes prairies; dans les bois au contraire il se nomme
Iyiwiw. Le Cris de Prairie lui-mme ne sait d’o faire
dériver son nom; quant nous, s’il nous était permis
d’émettre une opinion, nous le ferions venir de la racine «
ne’» pour « na’» qui signifie bien, joli, convenable, et de
« iyaw», le corps d’une personne, en sorte que ne’iyaw
voudrait dire celui qui est bien fait, qui a une belle
apparance, un bel extérieur. Quand au mot « Iyiniw», il
signifie homme en général.
Leurs congénres les Sauteux, autre tribu algique, les
appellent Ilinistino (???JC; Kilinistino, Breton). Les
premiers français qui vinrent dans le Nord-Ouest,
demandrent leurs hommes comment s’appelaient ces nouveaux
sauvages, les Sauteux et les Algonquins leur dirent, nous
les appelons Ilinistino. Nos anctres ne mirent pas de temps
abréger et corrompre ce mot dont ils firent celui de
Cris, que les Anglais trouvrent ainsi tout fait et qu’ils
épelrent «Cree».
Les Cris habitent l’intérieur de l’Amérique du Nord
depuis le 50º dégré jusqu’au 60º dégré, et depuis les
Montagnes Rocheuses l’Ouest jusqu’ la Baie d’Hudson
l’Est.
Mais cette grande tribu se subdivise elle-mme. Les Cris
des bords de la rivire Rouge, du lac Winnipeg de la rivire
la mer, de la rivire Nelson et de la partie inférieure de
la rivire aux Anglais ou Churchill River, s’appellent plus
particulirement Maskegons (???), de l’état marécageux de
leurs terres, et parlent divers dialectes peu compréhensible
pour l’homme qui n’a entendu que le Cris de la Prairie.
Les Cris proprement dits habitent la partie moyenne du
bassin des deux branches de la Saskatchewan, (et) la partie
supérieure du bassin des rivires Athabaska et Churchill. Le
bassin moyen de la Saskatchewan Nord et Sud consiste en des
Plaines immenses, autrefois peuplées de bandes de bisons
innombrables. C’est l que le Cris est parlé dans toute sa
pureté, et qu’on trouve le vrai Ne’iyaw.
Translation:
On the Great Plains, the Cree calls himself the "Ne’iyaw,
in the boreal forest he calls himself "Iyiwiw". The Plains
Cree does not himself know the origin of his name; in our
opinion, if it so be permitted, we would have it come from
the root "ne " for "na "which means good, pretty,
satisfying, and from "iyaw", the body of a person, so that
neiyaw would mean he who is well-made, who has a nice
appearance, who looks good. As for the word « Iyiniw», in
general, it means man.
Their brethren the Saultaux, another Algic tribe, call
them Ilinistino (???JC; ?Kilinistino, Breton). The first
Frenchmen to come to the North-West asked their men how they
called these new natives26. The Saultaux and the Algonquins
told them, we call them "Ilinistino". It was not long before
our ancestors began shortening and mispronouncing the word
into Cris, which the English later found already made for
them and which they spelled "Cree".
The Cree live in the North American interior from the 50º
degree to the 60º degree, and from the Rocky Mountains in
the West to the Hudson Bay to the East.
But this great tribe subdivides itself. The Cree by the
Red River, from Lake Winnipeg, from the river to the sea,
from the Nelson River and the lower part of the English or
Churchill River, call themselves the Maskegons (???) because
of the marshy state of their lands, and they speak several
dialects which are difficult to understand for the person
who has only heard spoken the Cree from the Prairies.
The Cree proper live in the middle of the bassin of the
two branches of the Saskatchewan River (and) in the upper
part of the Athabaska and Churchill basins. The middle
basins of the North and South Saskatchewan Rivers are
immense prairies, where countless herds of bison ranged. It
is there where Cree is the most purely spoken and that we
find the real Ne’iyaw.
a-2) p. 137a-b, Subject: geographical specifics of the
Cree – Végreville’s thoughts on this based on the Wisaketsak
legend, note 5. From the end notes section.
Wisaketsak est non seulement le premier homme – Adam,
l’homme par lequel le monde est préservé d’une destruction
complte dans le déluge – Noé, l’homme qui arrte le soleil
– Josué; il est encore le premier de la nation algique qui
soit venu en Amérique, ou, plutôt, il est de la premire
émigration algique, car il n’a pu venir seul, mais fut
accompagné de plusieurs, comme il est clair que cela est
arrivé. Étudions donc son histoire, telle que nous la
rapporte la légende crise; elle nous instruira.
Wisaketsak nous apparaît d’abord dans le pays qui est de
l’autre côté de la mer l’Est; par conséquent de l’autre
côté de l’Océan Atlantique, en Europe. Cela est si vrai
qu’aucun Cris ne s’y méprendra. L’homme algique ne connaît
pas les pays de l’Ouest au del des Montagnes Rocheuses; il
pense seulement que par del de ces monts, il y a de la
terre et des hommes qui l’habitent, mais c’est tout. Quels
sont ces peuples, y a-t-il aussi la mer, c’est ce que le
Cris ne saurait dire. Il ne connaît pas plus les pays au
nord et au sud, ni les nations qui y demeurent. Pourquoi
connaître l’Océan Atlantique qu’il n’a jamais traversé
depuis qu’il s’est fixé en Amérique? Pourquoi connaît-il
l’Europe qui est au del de la mer de l’Est? C’est
évidemment il a l des intérts qui le touchent de proche,
qui lui rappellent son origine, souvenir plus précieux que
tout autre. Nagure, il occupait encore la côte de l’océan,
depuis le nord-est du Labrador jusqu’au Sud de l’État du
Maine dans les États-Unis sur une longueur de plusieurs
centaines de milles. Il a donc d traverser la mer aprs les
autres nations qu’il a refoulées devant lui vers l’intérieur
du pays. Depuis plus de deux cent ans, des bâtiments entrent
dans la baie d’Hudson et débarquent dans ses ports les
marchandises, habits, munitions et le reste. Dont le Cris
profite, dont it vit; la nation algique occupe la partie
méridionnale, c’est--dire, plusieurs centaines de milles du
littoral de cette grande mer intérieure. Chose étonnante,
tous ces avantages ne lui disent rien. Ce n’est point de l
(???) qu’est venu aborder Wisaketsak.
Si donc la nation algique et la tribu des Cris, qui est
la plus refoulée dans les terres et n’a jamais vu l’océan,
soutiennent que Wisaketsak et la premire immigration
algique sont venus de l’autre côté de l’Océan Atlantique,
c’est--dire d’Europe, nous pouvons en croire leurs
traditions.
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